By Jonathan Michael Feldman, August 31, 2025
Henry Ascher’s Deconstruction of Statistics on Jewish Migration Out of Sweden
There is an insane siege of Gaza going on (an ongoing combination of human rights abuses, mass murder, war crimes, occupations, etc.) as the readers of this essay are well aware. But, I contend that the Swedish left and opponents of Israel both have complicated efforts to mobilize against this siege and maladies. I now turn to a recent controversy which does not directly relate to these concerns, but indirectly relates to them.
In a recent opinion article Henry Ascher makes good points about the use of data related to Jewish migration in light of the Israeli siege of Gaza as a background. He acknowledges that antisemitism exists in Sweden, explicitly stating it must be combated. I would like to add that something else is also going on. Gothenburg University has also conducted studies about anti-Semitism in Sweden following the October 7 attack. Such studies have strengths and weaknesses and I have critiqued some of the sentiment connected to such studies elsewhere. The controversy and debunking of the original argument that led to Ascher’s piece is further contextualized in an opinion article in Aftonbladet. This article by Rasmus Fleischer correctly analyzes the limits to statistics on anti-Semitism, while still arguing that anti-Semitism is a real problem. While there is nothing wrong with Fleischer’s arguments, which I agree with pretty much, I would argue that the cycle of (a) the disingenuous use of statistics, (b) deconstruction of their use, and (c) resolving part of the dialectic is necessary, but not sufficient. The larger problem is that cleaning up superficialities begs the question of what might not be superficial in the intention behind the less than clever use of statistics. Here the left’s analysis often enough breaks down. The larger problem is Swedish culture is that there are a lot of stupid arguments made by the right, then some people clean up the framework, and then other, more important questions, are not investigated. One of these is how very marginalized ideas, which don’t catch the fancy of many on the right or left, are very essential to resolving huge, dire, and socially urgent issues. This point will become clearer as this essay continues.
There are less clever variants of Ascher’s and Fleischer’s arguments we can find in social media. Let us look at one example. In a social media post, the author claimed that concerns about rising antisemitism causing Jewish emigration from Sweden were overblown and politically motivated. The post used a historical analogy about WWII that ultimately framed Jews as future targets for collective blame for the actions of the Israeli government, thereby unintentionally justifying the very anxiety it sought to dismiss. The post relied on selective national migration statistics to dismiss the issue, while completely ignoring the well-documented, long-standing problems with antisemitism in specific Swedish cities like Malmö (discussed below), where the Jewish community has reported harassment for years. The author employs a red herring argument as well. It misleadingly cited statistics about Israelis wanting to leave Israel due to the war, which is an entirely separate issue from Jews in Sweden feeling unsafe due to local antisemitism. Then, author author dismissed credible testimony. The author created a hierarchy of credible Jewish voices, implying only those who were “neutral or pro-Palestine” were trustworthy, while preemptively discrediting those with pro-Israel views as having an “agenda.” Hint: Everyone has an agenda and people we don’t like or agree with can be correct (not always, but sometimes or often enough).
The Displacement of Dirty Laundry
The larger problem we see is the following. Someone, either in the so-called “pro-Israel” or non-left camp makes a claim X about something which is criticized. Then, someone on the left debunks X with arguments which we classify a Y. The problem is that even if Y is largely or fully correct, X may have been trying to get at something, albeit crudely, which is correct which we call Z. So we see that potentially neither the left with their Y nor the right with their X end up doing justice to Z, i.e. the limits to the left and right which I have repeatedly documented. We can further understand these processes by examining various episodes and mechanisms.
First, there is a poverty of the political discourse surrounding anti-Semitism in Sweden, particularly by the Swedish left. It is often reduced to a binary where acknowledging one source of threat requires denying others. Ascher rightly fears the historical and contemporary far-right, a fear grounded in a national history that is both decent and indecent: decent in providing refuge, but indecent in its past complicity—from industrialists directly aiding Hitler and Swedish leaders accepting Nazi medals, to the media’s blackout of the Holocaust and severe restrictions on Jewish immigration during the Nazi era. The connection of the Sweden Democrats (SD) to this legacy is, as Ascher argues, a profound concern. On the Swedish migration restrictions, we have various studies (some of which are more rigorous than others). One by Ahmet Gurhan Kartal can be found here, published on a Turkish-affiliated website. A Wikipedia entry reads: “Swedish immigration policy during the 1930s was restrictive against admitting Jewish refugees trying to escape the Nazi terror and mass murder into Sweden, before the deportations of Norwegian Jews began in 1942.” This entry cites an academic study by Paul A. Levine.
However, the entire debate over statistics obscures another powerful data point: the tangible, verifiable collapse of the Jewish community in Malmö. While pundits debate percentages, this centuries-old community has shrunk by over 60% in two decades, from over 1,700 to under 600 members, with its leaders warning of its potential disappearance. This is not about who is considering leaving; it is about who has already left. This demographic fact stands as stark evidence of a profound, systemic failure that exists regardless of the political spin on annual emigration numbers—a failure characterized by a form of “repressive tolerance” where official initiatives have been perceived as too little, too late to counter a climate of fear. A Lund University under-graduate essay on the topic by a student (Charlotte Hedelin) concluded: “The study concludes that even though SNCCP statistics indicate anti-Semitism is a bigger problem in Malmö than in the rest of Sweden, merely taking numbers into account does not do that indication justice; the perceived anti-Semitism of the Jewish population has clearly increased according to the interview subjects.” While not an author, one wonders why such studies are not conducted by those with PHDs. Her paper, written in Swedish, is accessible here. I have collected data on another topic (via a-not-yet-published study) which shows why student papers can often put things on the agenda that should be on the agenda more than their senior counterparts.
Reports on the Jewish exit from Malmö (and associated anti-Semitism concerns) have appeared in the The Forward, Times of Israel, the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs, Moment magazine, The Jerusalem Post, and Judisk Krönika. I say “where there is smoke, there is fire.” These reports can’t be wrong about every aspect of the problem. I went to a talk within the past year that suggested the politicians were repressively tolerating this anti-Semitism as much by what they didn’t do as what they do. My exposure to the arguments does not constitute proof, but does give me more confidence to assume that something is rotten in the state of Malmö, even if there are notable interfaith cooperative efforts that have gone on. So, when the statistics on Jewish migrants are deconstructed and anti-Semitism is linked purely to SD as the greater threat, I can’t think that this is whole story. SD’s new anti-anti-Semitism line, which I have critiqued elsewhere, is assisted by the left’s blind spots when they occur. So sins of omission about the right’s anti-Semitism are dialectically connected to the sins of omission by the left on anti-Semitism.
The anti-Semitic climate in Sweden is fueled by episodes that, while potentially quantitatively minor, are qualitatively dramatic and amplified by media:
(a) The explicit linking of anti-Israel sentiment to antisemitic violence. This is not merely anecdotal; it was captured in major international reporting. Specifically, on December 10, 2017, Christina Anderson reported in The New York Times article “Firebomb Attack on Swedish Synagogue Fans Fear Over Anti-Semitism” that the Gothenburg synagogue attack was carried out by individuals who “shouted anti-Semitic slurs” and that “a witness reported seeing a person with a Palestinian flag in the area around the time of the attack.”
(b) Public celebrations of violence against Jews. For example, on October 7, 2023 – following the Hamas attack against Israel – there were pro-Palestinian celebrations in some Swedish cities. Documented reports state that in Malmö, people drove around in cars waving Palestinian flags and shot fireworks. Similar events occurred in Helsingborg, Kristianstad and Växjö.
These episodes have a media multiplier effect. Their power to shape perception and instill fear extends far beyond their numerical frequency and creates a tangible political consequence: it can paralyze and delay necessary criticism of the Israeli government. A legitimate fear of amplifying anti-Semitic tropes or being associated with these shocking events may cause Swedish leaders and media to hesitate in applying pressure on Israel to constrain its actions in Gaza. This potential dynamic is not necessarily exclusive to Sweden but might be relevant in other countries grappling with similar complex identities.
I believe such pressure is urgently needed not only to end the mass suffering in Gaza but for Israel’s own sake. The argument that Israel’s actions make Jews less safe globally has strengths, but it meets its limits when considering that many Israelis don’t (and certainly didn’t always) have Swedish immigration opportunities and can choose among other countries like the USA and France that have their own anti-Semitism, and when some in the Israeli government propose policies to forcibly relocate Gazans for their so-called “safety,” thereby further endangering Palestinians and revealing the cynical limits of that very safety argument. Ultimately, Israel’s sub-optimal and destructive policies have been enabled by unwavering right-wing support from the USA and other mechanisms. Like the war in Ukraine, this dystopia is not purely endogenous; it is fueled by external actors. Therefore, responsible international pressure, though complicated by a fraught history and modern-day media shocks, is a necessary intervention for both peace and security. The (a) and (b) complicate efforts to pressure Israel in my opinion, even more so when the Swedish left often has a hard time addressing their dirty laundry.
Can the Swedish Left Come Clean?
The Swedish Left Party has tried to address anti-Semitism and I check I made on the Malmö website provides a statement which reads: “No to anti-Semitism and fascism! November 9, 2024 @ 18:00 – 20:00 The Left Party, together with ABF and Ung Vänster, is organizing a memorial ceremony at Möllevångstorget to remember the terrible night of November 9, 1938, when Nazis vandalized Jewish shops, burned books, and killed people simply because they were Jews, during what came to be known as Kristallnacht.” The statement continues: “In 2024, anti-Semitism and fascism are on the rise throughout Europe. Far-right parties have made strong progress in Germany and Austria. In Sweden, we have a party with roots in the neo-Nazi movement as a support party for the government.” Yet, nothing here about what has been going on in Malmö. So the politically accepted anti-anti-Semitism centered on the Nazis and the far-right is not complemented by the left’s own contributions or the contributions of non-Nazis. In addition, some of this deconstruction of the Nazis seems rather performative and thus less than authentic, i.e. why don’t we here about the Made-in-Sweden contributions to this enterprise?
Another link to a cancelled event was supposed to distinguish between anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism. My question: Can the two ever overlap, even if they don’t have to overlap? My answer: Yes and that’s easily documented by Plate I, a post written by a well known author. Again, let us assume that the author is an exceptional case? My answer: So what! Her ideas are widely circulated in the media-sphere. She had 8,800 followers on Facebook (Plate II) and a Google Search performed on August 31, 2025 confirmed her notoriety and media capital reach. The author in question is not based in Sweden, but “their” actions beg the question of how anti-Zionists can morph into anti-Semites (but not always). Of course, there are normalized anti-Semitic posts by the Swedish far right on X, but the post in Plate I is similarly reprehensible.
Plate I: Anti-Zionism as Anti-Semitism
Source: Accessed from Facebook, documentation of link here.
Plate II: Popularity of the Exceptional Cases I
Source: Accessed from Facebook, documentation of link here.
Plate II: Popularity of the Exceptional Cases II
Source: Google search by author via this this link on August 31, 2025.
By Way of a Conclusion
I understand the less than romantic view that some in the Swedish left have of Israel. Yet, I have a similarly unromantic view of the history of the US, German, and Sweden’s actions which facilitated the creation of an Israeli state or earlier migration to Palestine/Israel. And a similarly unromantic view of part of the Swedish left which does not make all the necessary connections between this history, the cycles of violence it helped create, and the imperative for a political solution that transcends them. There is too much anti-Semitic “noise” about Sweden’s role, about anti-Semitic actions or statements by persons opposed to Israel, and displacement of these realities. The result is that it becomes easier for political leaders to do very little to stop mass killing in Gaza. And, the situation of Israeli hostages also is precarious as a result.
The cover photograph to this issue, taken in the bathroom of one of Sweden’s Dollar$tores contains a kind of triple and perfect metaphor. First, often in contemporary Swedish discourse we must choose between two broken toilets, one more damaged than the other. Many intellectual engagements amount to pointing out the benefits of the toilet on the right, as opposed to the one on the left. Here we have a Freudian reversal of what concerns me most. Second, when you are actively engaged in toileting, in the seated position, the toilet that works better of course is the one on your left, not the one on the right. Just watch the brilliant yet maligned (by some on the left) left film Blow-Up for details on how to decode all this. Third, this engagement and choice among toilets misses the larger issue. The choices are going on in the Swedish metaphorical Dollar$tore which aura and authenticity are necessarily valued, but you get some stuff and good bargains that favors your particular fancy at that moment, the immediate satisfaction of being in the moment of where the culture takes you. Please leave.
I should also note that social media is increasingly polluted and dangerous. After posting a critique of obviously anti-Semitic content, the app X notified me that my account would be restricted (Plate III). The increase in hate speech on that application is documented elsewhere: https://news.berkeley.edu/2025/02/13/study-finds-persistent-spike-in-hate-speech-on-x/.
Plate III: X as an Anti-Semitic Tolerance Mechanism
Source: Information copied from author’s X account, August 31, 2025.
Postscript: Reading for More Elaboration
Jonathan Michael Feldman, “How Our Popular Culture Funded by Citizens’ Public Money is a Recruitment Poster for SD,” The Global Teach-In, January 29, 2020. Accessible here: https://www.globalteachin.com/uncategorized/how-our-popular-culture-funded-by-citizens-public-money-is-a-recruitment-poster-for-sd [Detailed essay examines the Kalifat television program distributed by Swedish Television and a multi-national media firm. An extensive analysis of how Islamophobia is normalized in Swedish culture. This story shows how both Muslims and Jews in Sweden must suffer from the hegemonic idiocy that purveys mass media].
Jonathan Michael Feldman, “Beyond Terrorism and Militarism: An Alternative to Surplus Political Violence,” The Global Teach-In, October 15, 2023; Revised October 26, 2023. Accessible here: https://www.globalteachin.com/uncategorized/beyond-terrorism-and-militarism and here: https://portside.org/2023-10-28/beyond-terrorism-and-militarism-alternative-surplus-political-violence [Article shows the limits of various right-wing and left-wing approaches to the Gaza conflict. My views have evolved as it appears the stupidity of both positions has increased, but at the expense of Palestinians and Israelis alike].
Jonathan Michael Feldman, “Push Button Memes, Anti-Zionist-Splaining, the Slander License and Neo-Stalinism,” The Global Teach-In, January 6, 2024; Updated June 13, 2024; November 27, 2024; August 16, 2025. Accessible here: https://www.globalteachin.com/uncategorized/push-button-memes-anti-zionist-splaining-the-slander-license-and-neo-stalinism [Article analyzes left apologists for Hamas and the way that anti-Zionism is used as a cover for sadistic militarism and anti-Semitism. Provides encyclopedic documentation of idiotic memes associated with Jews, Israel, the Gaza conflict, and some combination thereof].
University of Helsinki, Finland’s Import of Israeli Weapons and Boycott of Israeli Students,” The Global Teach-In, June 13, 2024. Accessible here: https://www.globalteachin.com/uncategorized/university-of-helsinki-finlands-import-of-israeli-weapons-and-boycott-of-israeli-students [Article summarizes a Finnish university’s superficial and hypocritical engagement on the “Israeli question”].
Jonathan Michael Feldman, “Reflections on Almedalen 2024: Displacement of Big Truths, Glimmers of Something Else,” The Global Teach-In, July 5 and 6, 2024. Accessible here: https://www.globalteachin.com/uncategorized/reflections-on-almedalen-2024-displacement-of-big-truths-glimmers-of-something-else [Article summarizes how mainstream discussions of anti-Semitism are limited, but also analyzes the Gaza conflict].
Jonathan Michael Feldman, “The Clash of Mediocrity: Sweden, Anti-Semitism and the Gaza Crisis,” The Global Teach-In, October 19, 2024. Accessible here: https://www.globalteachin.com/uncategorized/the-clash-of-mediocrity-sweden-anti-semitism-and-the-gaza-crisis [Article illustrates the limits of the Swedish Left Party and those who criticize it].
Jonathan Michael Feldman, “Reframing Hamas Apologetics: The Left and the Cycle of Violence,” The Global Teach-In, October 20, 2024; Updated October 24, 2024. Accessible here: https://www.globalteachin.com/uncategorized/reframing-hamas-apologetics-the-left-and-the-cycle-of-violence [Article analyzes left support for Hamas and criticizes that support. This support made it harder to advance a responsible policy with respect to the Netanyahu regime’s mass killing and occupations].
Jonathan Michael Feldman, “An AI-Experiment about the Swedish Left and Hamas,” The Global Teach-In, April 19 and 20, 2025. Accessible here: https://www.globalteachin.com/uncategorized/an-ai-experiment-about-the-swedish-left-and-hamas [Article uses AI to explore the Swedish left’s position related to Hamas].
Jonathan Michael Feldman, “Beyond Binary Thinking: Analyzing the Israeli-Iranian Conflict,” The Global Teach-In, June 15, 2025. Accessible here: https://www.globalteachin.com/uncategorized/beyond-binary-thinking-analyzing-the-israeli-iranian-conflict [Article illustrates the limits of accepting the pro-Iranian position of sidestepping Iranian malfeasance].
Jonathan Michael Feldman, “Reflections on Almedalen 2025: The Grand Displacement and Celebration of Swedish Neoliberal Militarism,”The Global Teach-In, August 15, 2025 (Updated periodically). Accessible here: https://www.globalteachin.com/uncategorized/reflections-on-almedalen-2025 [Article illustrates how various frameworks are part of the displacement of the Gaza conflict and operative responses].
